Eighty Years Later: The Churches’ Responsibility in an Age of Resurgent Antisemitism

Contemporary Church History Quarterly

Volume 31, Number 3 (Fall 2025)

Eighty Years Later: The Churches’ Responsibility in an Age of Resurgent Antisemitism

By Martina Cucchiara, Bluffton University

Since October 7, 2023, Uwe Dziuballa’s life in Chemnitz, Saxony, has become a daily Mutprobe—a test of courage. He reports that verbal abuse, physical intimidation, and threats to his life and business have intensified drastically since the horrific Hamas terrorist attacks on Israel.  The well-known Jewish restauranteur, long a target of antisemitic hatred, now ventures outside only after covering his kippa with a neutral hat. Like many Jewish Germans, Dziuballa—who is not an Israeli citizen—is being held accountable for how Israel conducts the war in Gaza.[1] Dziuballa’s story is emblematic of a broader crisis. In 2024, RIAS (Bundesverband Recherche- und Informationsstellen Antisemitismus) documented 8,527 antisemitic incidents in Germany—a staggering 77 percent increase from the previous year.[2] For the roughly 118,000 Jews in Germany, the report concluded, “antisemitism remains a pervasive feature of everyday life.” [3] A chilling reality eight decades after the Holocaust.

Whereas the unacceptable and shameful resurgence of antisemitism places a moral demand on all Germans to stand in solidarity with their Jewish neighbors, the churches bear a particular responsibility. Not only do they hold moral authority in shaping public discourse, but their own histories, marked by silence and complicity during the Nazi era, makes their response today even more consequential.

There are, of course, important differences between past and present, and one must resist simplistic comparisons. In the 1930s, both the Evangelical and Catholic churches were not merely silent bystanders. Rather, they actively reinforced antisemitic stereotypes, portraying the “secular Jew” as a symbol of modernity, materialism, and moral decline. These tropes, while not identical to Nazi racial ideology, contributed to the climate in which persecution and genocide became possible. The Protestant churches, in particular, did not distinguish themselves with moral clarity, and antisemitism was deeply entrenched within them.  In 1933, a significant number of the twenty-eight regional Protestant churches (Landeskirchen) formally adopted the Aryan Paragraph, which excluded pastors and church employees of Jewish descent from their faith communities. Others applied similar restrictions informally. In numerous German churches in the 1930s, antisemitism within their own ranks was not considered sinful but normal and even desirable.[4]

The contrast with today is striking. After October 7, Germany’s churches spoke out quickly and unequivocally. Within two days, the presiding bishop of the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Northern Germany (Nordkirche), Kristina Kühnbaum-Schmidt, publicly condemned Hamas terror and antisemitism.[5] That day, several Catholic bishops also issued a joint denunciation of the attacks.[6] On October 22, 2023, both the Evangelical Church in Germany (EKD) and the German Bishops’ Conference joined a mass rally at Berlin’s Brandenburg Gate under the banner “Aufstehen gegen Terror, Hass und Antisemitismus—in Solidarität und Mitgefühl mit Israel” (Rise up against terror, hate, and antisemitism—in solidarity and empathy with Israel). At the rally, EKD Council Chair Annette Kurschus declared:

We stand in solidarity with you, the Jewish women and men here in Germany. It shames me, it saddens me, when I hear Jewish people say: ‘Here in Germany I am not safe, and now even my homeland Israel has been taken from me.’ You should know—and I say this loudly: The Evangelical Church stands by your side!

She also acknowledged the deep roots of Christian antisemitism and called for her church’s transformation.[7]

Yet, despite this promising start, momentum quickly faded. The broad alliance that had filled the area around the Brandenburg Gate in solidarity with Jews proved unable to sustain its presence in the public sphere.  Pro-Palestinian demonstrations, many marked by antisemitic rhetoric and calls for Israel’s destruction, soon dominated Germany’s streets and digital spaces.[8] The nature this antisemitism differs from the 1930s in another key aspect. Whereas in Nazi Germany the churches were among the sources of antisemitism, today, part of its visible resurgence comes from within segments of Germany’s Muslim community. This does not lessen the churches’ responsibility. On the contrary, it demands that they engage with honesty and courage: supporting Jewish life, countering antisemitism in their communities, and building credible interfaith dialogue that does not ignore the problem.

Such conversations and initiatives are very sensitive. They must be conducted in a way that neither fuels Islamophobia and the far Right, nor remains silent out of fear of causing offense. It goes without saying that antisemitism in Germany is widespread on the far Right, but this threat is already well-recognized and discussed in public discourse. In fact, a myopic focus on right-wing extremism often obscures the urgent need for an equally honest reckoning with Islamist antisemitism.[9] But people who have called for open discussions about antisemitism and Islamism within Muslim communities are often shut down with vocal accusations of racism, xenophobia, and Islamophobia. This happened to author and journalist Eren Güvercin—himself a Muslim—who, after warning in 2023 about the widespread antisemitism among the over 5.5 million German Muslims, was publicly accused by the political Left of promoting anti-Muslim racism.[10] Güvercin’s concerns, however, are grounded in sound empirical studies that found significantly higher levels of antisemitism among Muslims compared to Christian and non-religious Germans.[11] The sociologist Cemal Öztürk and the scholar of Islam Abdel‑Hakim Ourghi both call for a forceful and broad public engagement to address antisemitism among Muslims in Germany.[12] It is an important step in reclaiming the public discourse from extremist actors who fuel hatred and division. Islamist actors, of course, benefit from the widespread reluctance to speak out and have come to dominate segments of the public discourse with impunity.

Öztürk sees a clear role for all religious communities to work together. He calls for the support and strengthening of interreligious programs and dialogues that “highlight similarities rather than differences.”[13] While the Christian churches in Germany have made significant contributions to Jewish-Christian dialogue, they must now broaden their interfaith work to include Muslim partners if they are to deliver on the promises made at the October 22, 2023, solidarity rally at the Brandenburg Gate. The churches could support existing initiatives within the Muslim community that elevate moderate Muslim voices. Among them are the Alhambra-Gesellschaft, the only Muslim organization to participate in the October 22 rally, which fosters political education and interreligious dialogue through programs such as Das muslimische Quartett. Likewise, activists like Ahmed Mansour, Düzen Tekkal, and DEVI e.V. provide democracy training and extremism prevention in schools, while the Ibn Rushd-Goethe Mosque, led by Imamin Seyran Ateş, advocates a liberal, inclusive interpretation of Islam. The Ibn-Khaldun-Sprachschule in Berlin-Neukölln under Hudhaifa Al-Mashhadani, counters radicalization through civic-minded education. Jewish-led efforts like the Shalom-Salaam Initiative also bring together Jews and Muslims committed to peaceful coexistence. Many carry out this work despite threats to their safety and lives. Their courage deserves wide support, and their initiatives offer the churches vital partners in translating their solidarity into sustained, interfaith collaboration—and in reclaiming and defending the public space from hatred and division.

Ultimately, the churches’ responsibility in 2025 mirrors that of their predecessors: to offer clarity, moral courage, and guidance when public discourse is poisoned by antisemitism. The difference is that today they no longer contribute to the problem from within. The challenge now is to embody and model resistance—to support existing initiatives, to create powerful counter-narratives, and to give the faithful examples of how to stand against antisemitism in everyday life.

Notes:

[1] Dziuballa has run the restaurant Shalom in Chemnitz, Saxony for twenty-five years. For over twenty years, his restaurant operated without 24-hour police protection; now, that protection is constant. Uwe Dziuballa, “Wenn der Alltag zur Mutprobe wird,” in Olaf Glöcker and Günther Jikili, Antisemitismus in Deutschland nach dem 7. Oktober 2023, 293–306.

[2] Bundesverband Rias, e. V., “Bericht dokumentierter antisemitischer Vorfälle 2024,” June 4, 2025, 6–10, available at: https://report-antisemitism.de/bundesverband-rias/#publications.

3] European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights, “Jews in Europe still face high levels of antisemitism,” press release, July 11, 2024, https://fra.europa.eu/en/news/2024/jews-europe-still-face-high-levels-antisemitism.

[4] On Christian antisemitism, see: Oliver Arnhold and Hartmut Lenhard, Kirchen ohne Juden: Christlicher Antisemitismus 1933–1945 (Vandenhoek & Ruprecht, 2015). Specifically on the Aryan Paragraph, see pages 22–29.

[5] Kühnbaum-Schmidt declared that “Our solidarity, our thoughts and prayers are especially with the people in Israel today—but it must also be clearly and firmly stated here and now: In our own country, including here in Hamburg, we take a clear and resolute stand against antisemitism and hatred of people.” Kristina Kühnbaum‑Schmidt, „Landesbischöfin bittet um Frieden und fordert, Grundsätze des humanitären Völkerrechts einzuhalten,” press release, Evangelical Lutheran Church in Northern Germany (Nordkirche), October 9, 2023,  https://www.nordkirche.de/nachrichten/nachrichten-detail/nachricht/landesbischoefin-bittet-um-frieden-und-fordert-grundsaetze-des-humanitaeren-voelkerrechts-einzuhalten.

[6] The bishops were Bishop Dr. Heiner Wilmer SCJ (Diocese of Hildesheim), Auxiliary Bishop Johannes Wübbe (Diocese of Osnabrück), and Auxiliary Bishop Wilfried Theising (Episcopal Vicariate of Oldenburg). Bistum Hildesheim, “Den Terror verurteilen. Solidarität mit den Angegriffenen zeigen,” press release, Diocese of Hildesheim, October 9, 2023,  https://www.bistum-hildesheim.de/bistum/nachrichten/artikel/den-terror-verurteilen-solidaritaet-mit-den-angegriffenen-zeigen/.

[7] Evangelische Kirche in Deutschland, “Kurschus auf Solidaritätskundgebung mit Israel,” October 22, 2023, https://www.ekd.de/kurschus-auf-solidaritaetskundgebung-mit-israel-81158.htm.

[8] Reuters, “German police shut down pro‑Palestinian gathering in Germany over hate speech fears,” April 12, 2024, https://www.reuters.com/world/europe/police-shut-down-pro-palestinian-gathering-germany-over-hate-speech-fears-2024-04-12/.

[9] An example is the brochure “Deconstruct Antisemitism!”  by the Amadeu Antonio Stiftung which does not thematize Islamist antisemitism at all, focusing almost entirely on the far Right. See: Amadeu Antonio Stiftung, “Deconstruct Antisemitism! Recognizing antisemitic codes and metaphors,” https://www.amadeu-antonio-stiftung.de/en/anti-semitism/deconstruct-antisemitism/. Kai Funkschmidt, who is a Research Associate at the Evangelical Church in Germany critiques official statistics in Germany which, he argues, deliberately obscure the prevalence of Islamic antisemitism. Kai Funkschmidt, “Im Zweifelsfall sind die Täter rechts: Wie die deutsche Polizeistatistik den islamischen Antisemitismus verschleiert,” February 6, 2024, Neue Züricher Zeitung, https://www.nzz.ch/feuilleton/im-zweifelsfall-sind-die-taeter-rechts-wie-die-deutsche-polizeistatistik-den-islamischen-antisemitismus-verschleiert-ld.1776548.

[10] Maximilian Beer, “Islamismus-Experte Güvercin: “Einer schrieb mir, ich werde deine Familie verbrennen,” Berliner Zeitung, August 8, 2024, https://www.berliner-zeitung.de/politik-gesellschaft/islamismus-experte-guevercin-linke-aktivisten-antimuslimischen-rassismus-li.2239812

[11] See: Christian S. Czymara, Marcus Eisentraut, Pascal Kolkwitz‑Anstötz, Eldad Davidov, and Peter Schmidt, “Antisemitism among Muslims in Germany,” European Sociological Review (April 30, 2025), https://doi.org/10.1093/esr/jcaf017; Cemal Öztürk and Gert Pickel, “Antisemitismus unter Muslim:innen: Sozialisation, religiöse Tradierung oder herkunftsübergreifendes Feindbild des islamischen Fundamentalismus?,” Zeitschrift für Religion, Gesellschaft und Politik (December 2024), DOI: 10.1007/s41682‑024‑00195‑2.

[12] Cemal Öztürk, “Antisemitismus unter Muslim:innen: Warum eine kritische Debatte notwendig ist,” Bundeszentrale für politische Bildung, November 26, 2024, https://www.bpb.de/themen/infodienst/557000/antisemitismus-unter-muslim-innen-warum-eine-kritisch-differenzierte-debatte-notwendig-ist/ and Abdel-Hakim Ourghi, Die Liebe zum Hass: Israel, October 7, 2023 (Claudius, 2025).

[13] Ibid.

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