January 2007 Newsletter

A very warm welcome to you all as we begin a new year. I trust that you were all able to have a blessed and restful vacation, and will now be returning to your labours with renewed zest. As far as I can look ahead, it would seem that there are numerous new books appearing in our field of interest, and I hope to be able to continue to bring you some evaluations of their contents and interpretations in the months ahead. Your comments are always welcome, but please remember NOT to press the reply button unless you want your remarks to be shared by all 500 subscribers. Please use my personal e-mail address = jconway@interchange.ubc.ca .

Contents:

1) Book Reviews

a) ed. Berkman, Contemplating Edith Stein
b) Heinecke, Konfession und Politiik in der DDR

2) Conference Report, German Studies Association, October 2006

3) Book notes:

a) Barth: Dolchstosslegenden
b) Berkhoff, Harvest of Despair
c) Als Jesus arisch wurde

List of books reviewed in Vol. XII – 2006

1a) Joyce Avrech Berkman, ed. Contemplating Edith Stein Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 2006. xiii + 354 pp. Illustrations, list of contributors, index. $75.00 (cloth), ISBN 0-268-02188; $35.00 (paper), ISBN 0-268-02189-9.
(This review appeared first on H-German on November 10, 2006)

The unnecessary and regrettable controversy surrounding the 1942 murder in Auschwitz of the German nun Edith Stein, also known as Sister Teresa Benedicta of the Cross, and her subsequent canonization by Pope John Paul II, has diverted attention away from the actual personality and achievements of this remarkable woman during her short lifetime. The objective of the collected essays in this volume, edited by Joyce Berkman, is to provide a fuller account of Stein’s life and writings, both before and after she joined the Carmelite order in 1933. The contributors, the majority of whom are female scholars, come from Italy, Germany, Canada and the United States. All the essays are in English and where appropriate, they have been skillfully translated.

The book is divided into three sections. The first describes Stein’s personality, experience, self-awareness and self-representation as she moved through the various chapters of her life, while the second pays tribute to her pioneering position as a modern Catholic feminist. In the third section the authors outline the essence of her philosophical contributions and discuss her originality in the rather opaque and inaccessible field of phenomenology. The editor and her chief partners describe themselves as fervent feminists and they seek to move away from the overly hagiographical treatment Stein has recently received. Consequently emphasis falls on her secular writings and career. Each essay is accompanied by relevant scholarly notes.As Berkman notes, we know little about Stein’s interior life. Attempts to compile a linear, pious biography as appropriate for a Catholic saint ignore the well-known ambivalence and particularities in her career. As a Jew, a woman and a highly talented intellectual, she was a triple outsider. She experienced various identity transitions, sought to integrate herself in different but essentially antithetical communities and suffered painful rejections from many sides. Trying to depict her life in unbiased but sympathetic terms has not been easy for scholars.

Though raised in an observant Jewish Orthodox family, Stein early on felt alienated, as a woman intellectual, from the paternalistic, male-dominated hierarchies of contemporary Judaism. Instead she embraced the high culture of the German Bildungsbürgertum. Her university education at the universities in Breslau and Göttingen led her to believe in a lofty rationalism, humanism and moral idealism. Such optimism faced severe challenges through the events of the 1914-18 war, and equally through her failure to secure academic recognition as a philosopher. In 1921 she converted to Catholicism, having discovered an affinity to the life of Saint Teresa of Avila. Berkman does not really explain why, but Stein remained loyal to phenomenology and sought to combine it with her Catholic convictions. In the 1920s she taught at a Catholic girls’ school and became a popular lecturer on women and their education. But her hopes of becoming either a professor of philosophy or a professed Carmelite nun both eluded her.

With the rise of the National Socialists to power, the path to a university career was blocked for Stein. But in August 1933 she was accepted into the Cologne Carmel, though this step virtually cut her off from her immediate family in Breslau, who could only regard this flight as a betrayal. Her convent writings found no publisher because of Nazi opposition. She herself managed to flee to a Dutch nunnery in late 1938, but was caught there by the German occupation. In 1942 the Gestapo ordered the arrest of all Catholic Jews, and Stein and her sister Rosa were transported to Auschwitz and murdered there on April 4 of the same year.

The Vatican’s desire to include Stein among those selected for canonization aroused understandable resentment in the Jewish community, even though John Paul II was careful to claim that she died both as a Catholic daughter of Israel and as a martyr of the Church. This dispute did little to throw light on her lasting achievements or characteristics. Dana Greene in her essay suggests that a secular approach is more rewarding for such interpretations. She rejects the approach of Stein’s hagiographers, who see her life through a lens of redemptive suffering, as a meaningful example to the faithful. Greene believes Stein’s career should be studied developmentally rather than teleologically, and included in the wider context of early-twentieth-century German history. It is her life-long search for meaning that should attract biographers, showing how she overcame the contradictions and tensions caused by her varied and rival relationships. The most notable image of Stein, embodying just these factors, is the sight of her dressed in the black habit of a Carmelite nun, with the yellow Star of David sewn on her sleeve.

In 1987 John Paul II beatified Stein in front of seventy thousand Germans in Cologne. In 1942, when a freight train carried her to her death in a gas chamber, no one helped or cried out to stop the horror. This divergence is the core of the dispute over her legacy. But, as Patricia Hampl points out, this controversy has little to do with Stein herself, or her own personal and spiritual pilgrimage. She never explained the reasons for her conversion to Catholicism or her acceptance of a destiny of the contemplative life in a closed convent. Speculations must remain unresolved. The evidence shows that she found fulfillment in her chosen profession and that her choice did not imply a rejection of her Jewish heritage. On the other hand, her mind was too acute to adopt any kind of sentimental or simplistic syncretism of her Jewish and Christian identities. So it would be too hasty to suggest that her decision was a reaction to the barriers that in the 1920s still prevented young self-confident German girls or Jews from achieving their personal goals. At the same time, however, her discovery of faith in the life of Teresa of Avila undoubtedly followed from the painful and ambivalent crises that she experienced during and after the First World War.

Stein’s conversion to Catholicism and Carmelite renunciation of the world presented obvious problems to those contributors who sought to pay tribute to her as a modern German feminist. Her life as role model is so out of tune with present-day feminist opinion that it is small wonder that this aspect of her career has been downplayed. But, even in her very traditional understanding of women’s essential character, her attempts to empower women deserve acknowledgment, especially as a protest against the male-dominated totalitarian regime imposed after 1933.Similarly, her views on women’s education are singularly out of fashion today, particularly her stress on the necessity of teachers acting as moral models, transmitting to their pupils an openness and sense of trust, which should then be reciprocated. Few today would share her view that teaching is a “sacred calling” and that its practitioners should seek to foster the student’s harmonious growth and character. In essence she derived her ideas on the importance of educating the moral personality of each individual from the liberal idealism of the Humboldt brothers in the early nineteenth century. But again, she was fated to see such ideas ruthlessly quashed in the new Nazi Germany.

The third section of the book discusses Stein’s contributions to the philosophical debates of her time. Her studies in this field were almost entirely derived from the ideas of her Doktorvater Edmund Husserl. Even though she was soon to part company with Husserl, largely because he could not regard her as an equal and placed obstacles in the way of her obtaining an academic position, nevertheless her range of thought remained strongly Husserlian in scope. But the passage of time has not been kind to his speculative theories on the philosophical grounding of psychology or the human sciences. The chapters discussing Stein’s philosophy are therefore more of an exercise in pathology. Their authors fail to prove that her thought has any present-day relevance.

In Contemplating Edith Stein, the editors deliberately chose not to examine her religious writings, presumably to avoid any suspicion of abetting hagiography. But this decision produces a somewhat one-sided picture; Sarah Borden does contribute, however, a useful survey of literature in English on Stein that includes her spiritual writings and lists the books covering her canonization and her importance for Jewish-Christian relations. She also provides a detailed and serviceable bibliography.

Overall, the aim of this work is to depict Stein neither as a saint nor as an emblem of ideological controversy, but rather as an individual whose struggle to insist on her own humanity was to be so tragically cut short by the Nazi terroristic regime.

JSC

1b) Herbert Heinecke. Konfession und Politik in der DDR: Das Wechselverhältnis von Kirche und Staat im Vergleich zwischen evangelischer und katholischer Kirche. Leipzig: Evangelische Verlagsanstalt, 2002. 508 pp. Bibliography. EUR 38.00 (paper), ISBN 3-373-01960-9.

This review was first printed in H-German on November 7, 2006, and is here reprinted by kind permission of the author:
Catholics and Protestants in the GDR: Comparison and Synthesis

Since the collapse of the German Democratic Republic (GDR) in 1989-90 a veritable explosion of studies has occurred treating the churches, and especially the Protestant churches, in East German society.[1] Given the role played in this collapse by “social ethical groups” operating under the umbrella of the Protestant churches, this development is hardly surprising. Indeed, some have gone so far as to dub the events of 1989 a “Protestant Revolution.”[2] This book, Herbert Heinecke’s 2001 doctoral dissertation in Staatswissenschaft at the University of Magdeburg, is less interested in adding to this copious literature than in synthesizing the findings of other scholars in order to draw comparisons between the Catholic and Protestant churches.

As Heinecke admits in his foreword, this study is not historical enough to satisfy historians, theological enough to satisfy theologians, nor sociological enough to satisfy scholars in the sociology of religion fully (p. 5). Instead, in a series of thematically organized chapters, Heinecke draws extensively on existing literature in these fields to describe the church policies of the ruling Socialist Unity Party (SED) and the functioning of both churches in the GDR. As a matrix for comparison, he examines developments within each church in each of the following areas: history and tradition, church membership, organizational structure, self-understanding and social activity. He also looks at the limited cooperation between the two churches, which culminated in the late 1980s in rare joint ventures.

In these sections, and most clearly in his comparative chapter at the end, Heinecke, argues that the Protestant churches changed and adapted far more than their Catholic counterpart over the course of the GDR’s history. While both churches adopted initially confrontational postures toward the establishment of SED rule, differences in their own histories and traditions, social positions and self-understandings led them to respond very differently to changing circumstances in the GDR. These differences became especially clear after the mid-to-late-1950s, when the relaxation of state anti-church activities made room for more nuanced church-state relations. They culminated in the late 1980s in the central role played by the Protestant churches in the emergence of East German civil society at a time when the Catholic church was still only beginning to come to terms with its place in the GDR.

The East German Catholic church, acutely aware of its status as a double minority, in relation to both Protestantism and the official atheism of the SED, responded by circling the wagons, withdrawing into itself and avoiding active engagement with surrounding society. Heinecke offers several reasons for these developments. Ideological opposition to communism was much stronger in the Catholic church than in the Protestant churches following World War II. As a historical minority in Germany since the Imperial era, Catholics were more easily drawn to passive models of the church in society, explaining their social role by way of such metaphors as “hibernation” or sharing an apartment house with hostile strangers (pp. 222-226). Most important, according to Heinecke, was the destruction of Catholic associational life by the National Socialists. Unable to rebuild their vibrant prewar lay movement in the postwar GDR, East German Catholics adopted a thoroughly hierarchical and institutional perspective. These tendencies were reinforced during the nearly twenty-year tenure (1961-79) of Alfred Bengsch as Bishop of Berlin. As the leader of Catholics in the GDR, Bengsch sought accommodation with the GDR state through a model of complete abstinence from politics. Only in the 1980s were East German Catholics afforded the freedom to explore other ways of relating to society.

By contrast, East German Protestants, encompassing more than 80 percent of the GDR’s citizens in 1950 and nearly 40 percent in 1987, expected to play a leading social and political role (pp. 275-276). While the internal diversity of the East German Protestant churches made them vulnerable to the wedge-politics of the SED, this quality also fostered greater dynamism. No single Protestant model of church-state relations emerged, leaving room for multiple models to develop. Most Protestant activity avoided the extremes of total opposition, modeled by Otto Dibelius (Bishop of Berlin from 1948 to 1967) and complete accommodation, modeled by Moritz Mitzenheim (Bishop of Thuringia from 1945 to 1970). Instead, Protestants constantly sought out new forms of political and social engagement. Since the Protestant churches in East and West Germany were formally united in the Evangelische Kirche in Deutschland (EKD) until 1969, Protestant activities until that time were dominated by the desire to affirm German unity. With the establishment of a separate East German church in 1969, the Bund der Evangelischen Kirchen (BEK), this focus began to change. Thereafter, East German Protestants began to seek out new models for their activity in the GDR. These models, such as “A Church for Others” and “A Church within Socialism,” represented attempts at partial accommodation with the SED, but they also represented a continuing claim to social relevance. This accommodation led, by the 1980s, to circumstances in which “social ethical groups” interested in peace, the environment and human rights could operate relatively unmolested under the aegis of the Protestant churches. These groups were to play an instrumental role in the ultimate collapse of SED rule.

Although it is not based on original archival research, the volume presents an effective synthesis of existing literature on the churches in the GDR. This presentation is especially helpful since this body of literature has grown so large in recent years. The book’s comparative structure and thematic organization also make it useful as a reference for those seeking information on specific aspects of church life in the GDR, such as membership patterns, organizational structure and the like. The book’s thematic structure and lack of a clear narrative, however, constitute barriers to its overall readability. While Heinecke’s conclusions regarding the differences in Catholic and Protestant developments seem sound, they do not necessarily break much new ground. Instead, this book is most useful as a summary of the current state of research.

Notes

[1]. To mention just a few titles: Robert F. Goeckel, The Lutheran Church and the East German State: Political Conflict and Change under Ulbricht and Honecker (Ithaca: Cornell, 1990); Gerhard Besier, Der SED-Staat und die Kirche. Der Weg in die Anpassung (Munich: Bertelsmann, 1993); Gerhard Besier, Der SED-Staat und die Kirche. Hohenflug und Absturz (Frankfurt/Main: Propyläen, 1995); Detlef Pollack,Kirche in der Organisationsgesellschaft. Zum Wandel der gesellschaftlichen Lage der evangelischen Kirchen in der DDR (Stuttgart: Kohlhammer, 1994); Bernd Schaefer, Staat und katholische Kirche in der DDR(Cologne: Böhlau, 1998); Ute Haese, Katholische Kirche in der DDR. Geschichte einer politischen Abstinenz (Dusseldorf: Patmos, 1998); and Stephanie Gerlach, Staat und Kirche in der DDR. War die DDR ein totalitäres System? (Frankfurt/Main: Lang, 1999).

[2]. See Gerhard Rein, ed., Die Protestantische Revolution, 1987-1990. Ein deutsches Lesebuch (Berlin: Wichern, 1990) and Erhardt Neubert, “Eine protestantische Revolution,” Deutschland Archiv 23 (1990): pp. 704-713; for a critical evaluation of this term, see Trutz Rendtorff, ed., Protestantische Revolution? Kirche und Theologie in der DDR: Ekklesiologische Voraussetzungen, politischer Kontext, theologische und historische Kriterien (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1993).

Benjamin Pearson, Department of History,
University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill

2) GSA Panel 177: Christianity, World War II, and the Cold War Moderator: Maria D Mitchell Franklin & Marshall College

Commentator: Victoria Barnett US Holocaust Memorial Museum

Papers: Theologiepolitik, “Kirchenkampf” und Auseinandersetzung mit dem NS-Regime: Die evangelische Landeskirche Badens, 1933-1945. Rolf-Ulrich Kunze Karlsruhe University

“Forced Labor within the Protestant Church and Her Welfare Institutions.” Jochen-Christoph Kaiser Philipps-Univ. of Marburg

“Rosenkranz und Russenvisionen: Visions of Mary in Early Cold War Germany.” Monique Scheer University of Tübingen

Opening a panel that illustrated the depth of the social and political penetration of Christianity in 20th century Germany, Rolf-Ulrich Kunze began by describing a major new collaborative research initiative in the Badische Landeskirche. Kunze began and ended his presentation with the story of pastor Paul Röger, a member of both the Confessing Church and the NSDAP, so as to illustrate the limitations of conventional categories of resistance and conformity for describing Christian clerical responses to the Nazi state. Citing the need for further and more differentiated tools of analysis to get a more precise picture of the social, cultural, and religious picture of the time, Kunze explained how the participants in his research project (from the Universities of Marburg and Karlsruhe) had broken it down into four distinct sub-projects: 1) a structural analysis of Protestant clergy of Baden, mining biographical material for information on the political, ecclesiastical, and social backgrounds of pastors; 2) an examination of the various Protestant associations active in Baden during the Third Reich; 3) an analysis of the ideas and activities of neo-pietistic church groups in Baden; and 4) an examination of the Baden Protestant Bishop and upper church leadership. As Kunze put it, “The main aim of these sub-projects will be to find a new and precise location of Baden in the wider context of contemporary Church history as well as in the social and cultural history of Germany.”

Having outlined this ambitious research project, Kunze went on to describe some of its early findings. He described the remarkably high membership of Baden pastors in the Confessing Church, and explained how this was the result of the strength of the Kirchlich-Positive Vereinigung, a conservative church party whose members joined the Confessing Church en masse in May 1934. Second, Kunze noted the very low levels of membership of Baden pastors in the German Christian Movement. Finally, he explained how the result of all this was to influence Baden Bishop Kühlewein to abandon his early pro-Nazi church policy and separate his regional church from the Reichskirche in November 1934 (making Baden the fourth “intact church”). Kunze used these observations and the example of Pastor Paul Röger to reaffirm Joachim Mehlhausen’s observation that the term“Kirchenkampf” should really be limited to a description of internal Protestant debates and battles in 1933 and 1934, after which the course of events up to 1945 ought to be understood as a separate chapter of the church-state relationship in modern Germany.

Jochen-Christoph Kaiser then followed with a paper on fored labour in the Protestant churches of Germany during the Second World War. Kaiser described how, in the course of the debates leading to the establishment of the ãRemembrance, Responsibility and Futureä fund to compensate forced labourers, the Protestant and Catholic Churches were themselves placed under the spotlight, and the discovery made that the churches themselves had exploited forced labour during the Third Reich. The result was not only that the churches participated in the fund (or found other ways to compensate victims), but also that a new effort was launched to investigate the manner and extent to which church institutions exploited slave labour. Kaiser, part of a research group at the Philipps-University of Marburg Faculty of Theology, outlined the current state of that research, and its initial results. Roughly speaking, Kaiser estimated that between twelve and fifteen thousand foreign forced labourers worked for Catholic and Protestant Churches in Germany. Most of these found themselves occupied in technical jobs in church administration or (more commonly) in cemeteries, farms, workshops, welfare-home kitchens, and even the households of pastors. Kaiser also pointed out the difficulty facing researchers of forced labour do to several structural problems, namely the absence of central offices, official ecclesiastical guidelines, or church tax or related records concerning forced labourers.

Beyond the statistical realities of forced labour in German churches, however, Kaiser raised the larger question of the moral responsibility of the churches. What does moral responsibility look like for the current generation of church leaders, given that the crimes in question were committed by their predecessors in office? What does moral responsibility mean when Christians committed crimes not as individuals but as part of a society engaged in criminal exploitation? In the end, Kaiser argued that the churches have to be measured according to their own high ethical standards, meaning that there remain many research questions yet to be addressed concerning not only forced labour in the churches, but also the broader subject of the churches as participants in the Second World War.

Monique Scheer’s paper on visions of Mary in Cold War Germany raised a different set of questions, and dealt with a different era, than the first two papers. Scheer sought to understand the high frequency of Marian apparition events in Germany after 1945 by taking into account the specific role that Mary plays in times of war. Reports of Marian apparitions, she argued, attract high numbers of followers in times of perceived crisis, when the situation conforms to a known pattern that would make an appearance by the Virgin Mary a logical consequence and thus more plausible and emotionally resonant. Building on knowledge of Marian apparitions in Fatima, Portugal, in 1917, German participants in apparition cults envisioned a powerful Virgin Mary who would protect them from the threat of war (making the Cold War analogous to medieval and early modern religious wars).

Flowing from the commentary of Victoria Barnett, the lively discussion that followed drove home the importance of understanding the churches not only as victims or even bystanders in the Third Reich, but also as perpetrators enmeshed in the society and structures of Nazi Germany. Two concrete implications of this would be the redefinition of the term “Kirchenkampf” and a more nuanced understanding of the churches’ role in the Nazi era.

Kyle Jantzen, Alliance University College, Calgary

3) Book notes:

a) Boris Barth, Dolchstosslegenden und politische Desintegration. Das Trauma der deutschen Niederlage im Ersten Weltkrieg 1914-1933. (Schriften des Bundesarchivs 61) Dusseldorf: Droste Verlag 2003

In view of the continuing readiness of the German conservative elite to attribute the rise of Nazism to the Alliesâ vindictive policies attached to the Treaty of Versailles, it is good to have a fully researched study of the attitudes among leading Germans of their reactions to the First World War and its aftermath. Boris Barthâs work is published in the authoritative series put out by the German National Archives. He has the merit of a thorough knowledge of his sources. Two chapters are of particular interest to our readership, “Die nationalprotestantische Sinngebung des Krieges,” p. 150 – 171, and “Die Politik der protestantische Kirche im Zeichen der Niederlage,” p. 340 – 359. His conclusion is definitive: not only did the Church leaders abandon their Christian dogmas in favour of a nationalistic creed which by 1918 verged on a nihilistic or apocalyptic self-destruction, but in the aftermath were among those principally responsible for spreading the exculpatory view that Germany had been stabbed in the back, or later viciously mistreated by the Allies’ deliberate policy of humiliation and robbery in the 1919 treaty. The Protestant clergy were leaders in the programme to defame the Weimar republic. and provided theological justifications for their continued support of nationalist and racist policies, which were ready-made to be swept up into National Socialism.

b) The history of the churches in the Ukraine during the Second World War is both convoluted and disastrous – theology mixed with murder. So it is advantageous that Karel Berkoff devotes a chapter in his rich survey ofLife and Death in Ukraine under Nazi rule, Harvest of Despair, Cambridge, Mass: Belknap Press 2004 to the topic of Religion and Popular Piety (p. 232 – 252). He has used a large number of local sources, as well as the only two German accounts by Benz and Heyer, to show how the internal rivalries among the church bodies, and the increasingly repressive policiy of the Germans, made a mockery of the desire of many Ukrainins to have their folk religion restored after the years of Bolshevik rule. The optimism which greeted the arrival of German troops was upheld when grants were made for the restoration of churches. But soon enough the occupation turned sour. Only the seemingly unpolitical and harmless Baptists were able to flourish. But Berkhoff finds records of a widespread desire for popular participation, often to be frustrated for political reasons. And when the Communists returned in 1944, the resulting persecutions were to make the situation even worse.

c) Als Jesus ãarischä wurde is the printed book which arose out of an exhibition put on by the Protestant Church of North Elbia, i.e. Hamburg and Schleswig-Holstein in 2001. It provides evidence of the highly divided attitudes held by Protestants during the Nazi years, from those who sought to prove that Jesus could not have been of Jewish ancestry to those whose revulsion against such heresies led them to open revolt. The documentation is mainly from sources in the local church, but is supplemented by noteworthy examples from elsewhere. Very useful biographies are given of a few of the main actors, and the illustrations included are most valuable. The text of various lectures given in association with the exhibition are here reprinted, such as Hansjorg Buss’ fine article on “Entjudung der Kirche” which one now reads with hair-raising exasperation. Particularly shocking is his recounting how successfully those theology professors most involved in the Eisenach Institute dedicated to the eradication of Jewish influence from the church continued to teach in various seminaries and universities for years after the end of the Nazi regime, apparently undisturbed by their past opinions.
Als Jesus arisch wurde. Kirche, Christen Juden in Nordelbien 1933-1945. Die Ausstellung in Kiel. edited by A. Gšgres, S.Linck, and J.Liss-Walther. Bremen: Edition Temmen 2003 ISBN 3-86108-539-9.

List of books reviewed in 2006

Albert, M., Die Benediktinerabtei Maria Laach im Dritten Reich June
Bischoff, G. ed Religion in Austria September
Blmann, W. Dietrich Bonhoeffer und Jochen Klepper im Gespräch February
Boys, M. ed Seeing Judaism anew July/Aug.
Bremer T. ed. Religion und Nation in der Ukraine January
Burkhard, D. Heresie und Mythus March
Clements, K. Bonhoeffer and Britain October
Cox, J. Imperial fault lines. Christianity and Colonial power in India April
De Gruchy, J., Daring, trusting spirit. Eberhard Bethge February
Gailus, M ed Nationalprotestantische Mentalitäten in Deutschland May
Gallo, M. Pius XII, The Holocaust and the Revisionists March
Garbe, I. Theologie zwischen den Weltkriegen April
Good, C. The steamer parish January
Hall, D. Bound and free. A theologian’s journey February
Hauschild, W-D. Konfliktgemeinschaft Kirche January
Haynes, S. The Bonhoeffer Legacy September
Howes, J. Japan’s modern prophet September
Inter-arma Caritas Vatican service for prisoners of war, 1939-1945 March
Kaufmann, S. Consuming Visions. Mass Culture and the Lourdes Shrine November
Kindopp, J. ed God and Caesar in China May
Laqueur, W. The changing faces of Antisemitism July/Aug.
Monteath, P. Australia’s Lutheran Churches and refugees from Hitler’s
Germany February
Nurser, J. For all Peoples and all nations December
Poewe, K New Religions and the Nazis April
Pollard, J. Money and the rise of the modern papacy April
Plokhy S. and Sysyn, F. Religion and Nation in modern Ukraine January
Pringle, H. The Master Plan. Himmler’s scholars and the Holocaust June
Rittner, C. ed Genocide in Rwanda. Complicity of the churches? May
Roberts, D. Bonhoeffer and M.King. Speaking the truth to power February
Roth, J.K. Ethics during and after the Holocaust October
Sanchez, J. Pope Gabriel December
Schleicher K-T and Walle, H. Aus Feldbriefen junger Christen 1939-1945 November
Schutz, O. Begegnung von Kirche und Welt May
Theriault, B. “Conservative Revolutionaries: Protestant and Catholic Churches in Germany after radical political change in the 1990s November:
Thomas, M. Communing with the enemy. Britain and the German Democratic Republic December
Trippen, N. Josef, Kardinal Frings, Vol. II November
Williams, Archbishop R. Why study the Past? September
Zeitgeschichtliche Katholizismusforschung March

With every best wish
John Conway
jconway@interchange.ubc.ca